The Rotenbergs’ secret American mansions, abandoned under US sanctions.
...
Said, a young Somalian man, left his home in 2015 to escape recruitment by jihadist group al-Shabab. After journeying for nearly a year — during which he was tortured in a Libyan slave camp, saw many of his fellow travellers die, and crossed the Mediterranean in a rubber boat — he finally made it to Belgium. This is his story.
Rescued male migrants are brought to southern Italian ports, 28 June 2015; Irish Defence Forces LE Eithne Operations 28 June 2015.
Heaven and the Underworld Meet at a Catholic festival in the mountains of Calabria.
Festival of the Madonna di Polsi by Antonio Lemma
Read more: Bitter Beauty: A Pilgrimage to the Birthplace of the ‘Ndrangheta
Maldives tourism isn’t all swaying palm trees and white sand beaches. The truth is something far uglier.
One of the world's largest oil traders turned to a Belgian passport maker to get access to African officials and their oil fields. But one employee admitted to giving bribes to make that happen.
President of the Republic of Congo Denis Sassou-Nguesso at a Food Security Summit in Rome, 2009. Credit: Pier Paolo Cito / Reuters
Read more: The Unlikely Partnership that Unlocked Congo's Crude
At first glance, it appears an unlikely story thought up in a movie studio. In Russia, Aslan “Big Brother” Gagiyev is called the “No. 1 killer.” He was the architect of the “Family,” an elite murder squad that killed dozens and included high-ranking law enforcement officials among its ranks. Novaya Gazeta reporter Roman Anin sat down with Gagiyev to hear his story.
Photo by Svetlana Vidanova, Novaya Gazeta.
The chairman of Lithuania’s ruling party once promised to end backroom deals and graft. But investigations into his agricultural businesses reveal he may have plenty to hide himself.
Ramunas Karbauskis, Chairman of Lithuania’s ruling Farmers and Greens Union. Credit: Julius Kalinskas / 15min
Read more: Lord of the Land: Leader of Lithuania’s Ruling Party Exposed
A series of border closures by the southeastern member states of the European Union have made criminal smuggling networks the only option for migrants and refugees traveling through the Balkans —forcing them to pay thousands only to be left stranded, penniless, and treated like outlaws.
An Afghan woman stuck in the northwestern Bosnian town of Bihac on her way to western Europe.
Under recently ousted President Zuma, the Gupta family made millions in South Africa. Some of that money may have been used to purchase diamonds in a scheme which defrauded a state program to help poor black dairy farmers.
Koos Mthimkhulu, a black cattle-farmer, inspects his herd at his farm in Eastern Free State Province, South Africa, 2012. Mthimkhulu was born on a white-owned farm, and at the end of minority rule in 1994 was selected for a reform program whereby the government bought agricultural land from white farmers and handed it over to blacks with legitimate claims on the territory. Photo: Reuters / Siphiwe Sibeko
Through opaque contracts, an Azerbaijani cargo airline once linked to the ruling Aliyev family has an impressive range of business partners — including the US military.
A SilkWay Airlines Boeing-737 leaves Hong Kong in 1999. Credit: Wilco
The Slovak authorities are not doing enough to investigate the murder of my friend and colleague. If journalists have to do the police’s job to discover the truth, then we will.
A demonstration in memory of murdered journalist Jan Kuciak and his fiancee Martina Kusnirova, Bratislava, March 2018. Credit: Peter Tkac
It’s been exactly six months since the murder of Slovak journalist Jan Kuciak and his fiancee Martina Kusnirova. The last time I spoke to Jan was only a few hours before an assassin entered his home and put two bullets into his heart. When I learned about his death on that Monday morning, a deep, infinite, paralyzing winter overcame me. I was chilled by the touch of absolute evil. I am still overwhelmed by that feeling. Half a year later, we do not know who killed Jan or who hired his murderer. And I am afraid we’ll never find out.
Murders of journalists are hard to investigate. According to statistics compiled by the Committee to Protect Journalists, 70 percent of journalists are murdered because of the story they are working on. Less than ten percent of those murders are ever solved. In comparison, most murders in the Czech Republic and Slovakia have around an 80 percent chance of being solved.
Six months is a critical time frame in which investigators must gather evidence, find and follow leads, and ultimately solve the crime. The Slovak police, however, appear to have done very little and still cannot answer the most basic of questions. Both the police and the prosecutor’s office say an investigation is ongoing and that their silence is necessary to protect it. But the evidence shows otherwise — the police have bungled this case from the very beginning.
According to the Slovak media, they have made significant errors. For example,
• When police arrived at the murder scene in the village of Velka Maca, they neglected to bring a medical examiner.
• That led to the first mistake — they got the date of the murder wrong, and listed it as occurring three days later. It took them three weeks to correct that fact. Meanwhile, investigators questioning people immediately after the murder were asking the wrong questions about the wrong times.
• Police failed to request CCTV footage from cameras in the vicinity of the crime scene. This is absolutely crucial evidence that might have shown Jan’s murderer. Officials only made the request for footage almost two weeks later, on March 4 — well after many cameras had already recorded over the evidence from that fateful night.
• Investigators waited until March 27, a whole month after the murder, to conduct a thorough examination of the area around the crime scene. By this point, crucial evidence such as footprints had been exposed to the Slovak winter for 30 days.
• According to the Kuciak family’s lawyer Daniel Lipsic, who has access to the investigation file, the police destroyed important evidence at the beginning of the investigation.
“They did not secure the evidence. Some of the evidence was only discovered in the photo documentation (of the crime scene),” Lipsic told Slovakia’s TV JOJ. “Before the crime scene examination, the bodies were tampered with. It is possible that traces of evidence were destroyed. But we will never know.”
Head of NAKA, Slovakia’s anti-corruption unit, Robert Krajmer, about whom Jan had written in previous stories, was among the first officials to arrive at the scene after Kuciak’s murder. Police President Tibor Gaspar tried vehemently to deny that Krajmer had been there, but had to give up when his colleague showed up on footage shot by local television. Krajmer has never given an adequate explanation as to his presence at the scene of the murder that day.
Moreover, journalists have been told that Slovak police have shared almost no information with foreign and international police bodies. They appear to want no help from anybody. This doesn’t inspire confidence they are trying to find out the killer.
Furthermore, half a year later, those state officials who have acted most suspiciously when it came to dealing with the case have even been promoted.
Robert Krajmer, an official who should not have been at the crime scene, now has a new job at Slovakia’s Ministry of the Interior. Tibor Gaspar, who was forced to resign from his post as head of police after public outcry, also has a new post at the Interior Ministry. He’s now advisor to Interior Minister, Denisa Sakova of SMER, one of the three parties in the country’s governing coalition.
As journalists, we sometimes end up doing the work of the police. In order to uncover corrupt schemes and money laundering, we have gradually learned our own forensic procedures. If we have to learn police procedures for investigating murders to have some idea of what happened that night to Jan, then we will.
There is nothing worse than not knowing. Especially for journalists.
Page 12 of 35
